Fašizam je ideologija radikalnog autoritativnog nacionalizma koje karakteriše moć diktatora, nasilna kontrola opozicije i kontrola sredstava proizvodnje, razmene i distribucije. Fašizam je naziv za ideologije i pokrete koji smatraju kako je država temelj ljudskog društva, odnosno institucija koja treba u potpunosti nadzirati svaki aspekt društvenog života. Fašizam je državno uređenje koje radikalno ograničava ljudska prava radi veće stabilnosti i bržeg napretka. Fašizam se protivi komunizmu, konzervativizmu, demokratiji, individualizmu, liberalizmu, materijalizmu, pacifizmu i političkom pluralizmu.[1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10] Naziv potiče od lat. reči fascio – svežanj pruća sa sekirom u sredini, simbol centralističke vlasti u Rimskom carstvu. Fašizam je generički pojam koji označava ideologije, političke pokrete i organizacije kao i vladavinske pokrete koji su po svojoj funkciji, te metodama političkog delovanja srodni italijanskom fašizmu. Posebno se koristi kao sinonim sa izrazom nacizam a ne bi trebao.

Svežanj pruća, simbol fašizma

Fašizam je ime dobio po pokretu koga je u Italiji osnovao Benito Mussolini i koji je bio na vlasti od 1922. do 1943 godine. Fašizam je poslužio kao inspiracija za mnoge druge pokrete u Evropi i svijetu prije drugog svjetskog rata, od kojih je najpoznatiji nacionalsocijalizam koji je vladao Njemačkom od 1933. do 1945. godine. Fašistički režimi i pokreti su se razlikovali od zemlje do zemlje, ali im je zajednička bilo stavljanje države iznad pojedinca i njegovih prava, politički sistem izgrađen oko jedne stranke i jednog vođe, te korporativni ekonomski sistem kome je cilj bio postići harmoniju između različitih društvenih klasa.

Fašizam se često opisuje kao ekstremni oblik nacionalizma, s obzirom da su većina država u kojima se pojavio bile nacionalne države. U višeetničkim sredinama se fašizam često manifestirao kroz etničku, rasnu i vjersku netoleranciju, čiji je krajnji izraz bio Holokaust. Prava pojedinca u fašizmu su skroz ukinuta, a nasilje je bilo institucionalizirano kao oruđe unutrašnje, pa i vanjske politike. Bila je dozvoljena samo jedna stranka, a sloboda štampe i izražavanja nisu postojale.

U nauci fašizam nije jednoznačno određen. Posebno istoričari naglašavaju razlike između pokreta u pojedinim državama i pojedinim vladajućim fašističkim porecima, osporavaju analitičku ispravnost pojma fašizam. Fašizam, nasuprot liberalističkom individualizmu i socijalističkom internacionalizmu, zagovara uspostavljanje zajednice kao uslova i oblika prevladavanja krize.

Zajednica je jedinstvena, organski raščlanjena država (italijanski fašizam) ili jedinstvo garantovano krvlju i zemljom (nemački fašizam). Jedinstvo zajednice je uslov socijalnog, političkog i ekonomskog preporoda. Borba je prirodni način opstanka čoveka. Jedinstvo nacije se uspostavlja krvnom čistotom iste. Sve razlike (kulturne, verske, političke i sl.) treba ukinuti jer one dovode u pitanje temelje zajedništva. Teror je legitimno sredstvo za uspostavljanje ujednačavanja.

Fašizam je nestao sa historijske scene s krajem drugog svjetskog rata, iako su i poslije nastajali režimi s određenim primjesama fašizma. Fašizam se danas uglavnom koristi kao pejorativan termin kojim se neki režim, institucija ili pojedinac opisuje kao neopravdano represivan.

Izraz fašizam uredi

Izraz fašizam (ital. fascismo) su početkom 1920-ih popularizirali Mussolini i neohegelijanski filozof Giovanni Gentile. On dolazi od italijanske riječi fascio, koja doslovno znači "snop", a u prenesenom smislu "savez". Ta riječ potječe od latinske riječi fasces, koja je u Starom Rimu označavala snop pruća sa sjekirom koga su liktori koristili za izvršenje tjelesnih kazni za prijestupnike, odnosno kao simbol državne vlasti. Fašisti su preuzeli tu simboliku, naglašavajući nadmoć države nad pojedincem, ali i nužnost nacionalnog zajedništva, inzistirajući na alegoriji od snopu koji se ne može razbiti za razliku od jednog pruta. Fasces je kasnije preuzet i kao simbol fašističkog pokreta, koji se kao takav samodefinirao kroz organizaciju Fasci di combattimento (Borbeni savezi) i kroz Fašistički manifest.

Simboli uredi

Fašizam svoje ime i simbole vodi iz kulture i tradicije Rimskog carstva. U Starom Rimu je postojao običaj da dok vojska maršira jedan vojnik nosi ispružen svežanj pruća (fascio) u koji je zabijena sekira. Inače, rimski liktori su takođe nosili taj svežanj. Značenje ovog simbola je sledeće: jedan prut/pojedinac je slab i beznačajan, ali ako je vezan u snop/zajednicu sa ostalim prutovima/pojedincima, onda snop/zajednica postaje nesalomiv. Takođe, snop je mnogo jači nego sam zbir prutova. Sekira u snopu takođe ima prilično jasno značenje. Ona deluje kao da ujedinjuje prutove u taj snop i ako neki od prutova/pojedinac „štrči“ odnosno ako je neki pojedinac „nepodoban“, sekira/državna vlast je tu da ga „potkrati"/eliminiše.

Često pozivanje na tradiciju Rimskog carstva srećemo i u fašizmu srodnoj ideologiji - nacizmu. Jedan takav primer je nacistički pozdrav sa desnom rukom podignutom pod uglom od 45°. Ovo je nekada bio rimski vojnički pozdrav (Rimljani su pri tom pozdravljali sa ave, a ne sa heil). Fasciniranost rimskom tradicijom među ideolozima totalitarnih ideologija može se donekle objasniti moću Rimskog carstva koju su fašizam i nacizam pokušali da evociraju, kao i snagom rimske države koju su oni pokušavali da dostignu.

Zajedničke karakteristike fašističkih pokreta uredi

Postoji neslaganje između istoričara i akademika političkih nauka oko prirode fašizma. Neki akademici gledaju na fašizam kao društveno radikalni pokret sa ideološkom pozadinom u jakobincima Francuske revolucije, dok ga drugi smatraju ekstremnim oblikom konzervativizma koji se inspiriše u silovitom reakcionizmu 19. veka protiv ideja prosvetiteljstva. Jedni ga smatraju duboko iracionalnim, dok su drugi impresionirani racionalnošću sa kojom je služio materijalnim interesima onih koji su ga podržavali. Neki pokušavaju da objasne fašizam kao izraz iracionalne mržnje i frustracija, dok drugi stavljaju akcenat na racionalne načine iskorišćavanja mržnje i frustracija s ciljem dostizanja profesionalnih ili klasnih prednosti. Na kraju, dok jedni smatraju da je fašizam rezultat težnje za kulturološkom i nacionalnom regeneracijom preko stvaranja „novog čoveka“, drugi ga smatraju rekacijom na komunističku revoluciju s početka 20. veka, i insistiraju na društvenom sukobu između levičarskih i desničarskih ideja i shvatanja života.

Jedan od razloga neslaganja među akademicima je činjenica da su dva velika istorijska fašistička režima, Musolinijeva Italija i Hitlerova Nemačka, različiti u mnogim aspektima. U Italiji, antisemitizam je zvanično odbačen prije 1934. godine i tek 1938. Musolini prihvata i uvodi seriju antisemitskih mera u cilju jačanja vojnog savezništva sa Hitlerom. Takođe, mnogi akademici koji studiraju fašizam i fašističke pokrete u različitim državama, unose u svoje studije različite političke i kultorološke namere, koje kao posledicu imaju različit stepen važnosti koji pridaju jednom ili drugom aspektu fašističke ideologije i prakse. Sekularni liberali, na primer, insistiraju na religioznim korenima fašizma, nasuprot tome, rimokatolički akademici nalaze u njemu sekularne korene, a socijalistički konzervativci insistiraju na njegovim socijalističkim i populističkim aspektima, dok socijalni radikali nalaze u fašizmu apologiju kapitalizma i elitizma.

Zbog ovih i drugih razloga, ne postoji univerzalno prihvaćena definicija fašizma. Ipak, moguće je identifikovati veći broj opštih karakteristika koje su delili fašistički pokreti nastali u periodu od 1922 do 1945. godine.

Odnos prema marksizmu uredi

Fašisti od samog početka nisu skrivali svoju mržnju prema marksistima bilo koje vrste. Obećavali su svojim sledbenicima odlučniju borbu protiv marksista, nego što su to činile partije koje su zagovarale ljudsko pravo na različitost mišljenja i ideja. Musolini je stekao reputaciju kao efikasan fašista kada je poslao divizije Crnokošuljaša, naoružanih do zuba, protiv italijasnkih radnika i seljaka u štrajku zbog niskih primanja između 1920. i 1921. godine.

Slavljenje mladosti kao kvaliteta fašističke ideologije uredi

Fašisti su slavili mladost zbog fizičke snage i zbog idealizma mladih i njihove spremnosti na samožrtvovanje, odnosno kvaliteta koje po rečima mnogih fašističkih ideologa, ne poseduju sredovečni i stariji ljudi. Time su predstavili svoja ideološka stremljenja u generacijskim okvirima. Mladi Gebels je jednom izjavio: „Stariji neće da prihvate da uopšte postojimo. U krajnjem slučaju oni brane svoju moć i vlast. Ali jednog dana oni će pasti. Mladost mora pobediti.“ De Žovenel je opisao fašizam kao „revoluciju tela“ koja odražava stremljenje mladih ka disciplini, napornom radu, borbi i hrabrosti.

Pošto su koncetrisali svoju ideološku propagandu na mlade ljude, fašističke partije su imale mlađe članove od drugih desničarskih partija. Lideri nacističke partije, na primer, bili su relativno mladi, a mlađi oficiri nemačke vojske su brže pristupali nacističkoj partiji nego oni stariji. Primo de Rivera u Španiji, imao je samo 30 godina kada je osnovao falanhistički pokret i 1936. godine 60 do 70 procenata njegovih sledbenika imali su manje od 21 godinu.

Italijanski fašizam uredi

Osnivač fašizma u Italiji bio je Benito Musolini. Fašistički odredi, stvoreni su 1919, a 1922. godine fašisti su, obučeni u crne uniforme, izvršili "Marš na Rim" i preuzeli vlast u Italiji. Zatim su za nekoliko godina ukinuli sve gradjanske i potiličke slobode i uspostavili diktaturu fašističke partije, jedine dozvoljene političke organizacije. Nacionalizam u Italiji je imao poseban oblik, jer je najvažnija ideološka kategorija bila država, a ne nacija, kao kasnije kod nacista u Njemačkoj.

Povezano uredi

Reference uredi

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  3. Paxton, Robert. The Anatomy of Fascism. Vintage Books. ISBN 978-1400033911. 
  4. Payne, Stanley. A History of Fascism, 1914-45. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0299148744. 
  5. Nolte, Ernst. Three Faces of Fascism: Action Française, Italian Fascism and National Socialism. Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 
  6. Fritzsche, Peter. Rehearsals for Fascism: Populism and Political Mobilization in Weimar Germany. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195057805. 
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  9. Chaurasia 2003: str. 87
  10. Welch 1999: str. 57

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