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{{glavni|Rat u Hrvatskoj}}
[[Datoteka:Muzej DR-crop.JPG|left|mini|225px|Bombardiranje Dubrovnika]]
23.4. 1990., u Hrvatskoj su održani [[Parlamentarni izbori u Hrvatskoj 1990|prvi slobodni izbori]] na kojima je pobijedio [[HDZ]] na čelu kojeg je bio nacionalistički [[Franjo Tuđman]], što je izazvalo strah među nekim Srbima koji su proglasili autonomnu [[SAO Krajina|SAO Krajinu]] (kasnije [[RSK]]) na neodređenim dijelovima Hrvatske.
When [[Franjo Tuđman]], the first [[President of Croatia]], came to power, he openly promoted policies of extreme nationalism. During his tenure in power until his death in 1999 public squares were renamed, including for [[Ustaše]] leader [[Mile Budak]]; as of August 2004, there were seventeen cities in Croatia and one Bosnia and Herzegovina which had streets named after Budak.<ref>Michael Parenti. ''To Kill a Nation: The Attack on Yugoslavia'', Verso, 2002; ISBN 1-85984-366-2, ISBN 978-1-85984-366-6 (p. 45)</ref><ref>Sabrina P. Ramet & Davorka Matić. ''Democratic Transition in Croatia: Value Transformation, Education & Media'', Texas A&M University Press, 2007 (p. 17)<!-- ISBN/ISSN needed </ref><ref>Teddy Preuss. "Goebbels lives - in Zagreb", ''The Jerusalem Post'' (international edition), 21 December 1991.</ref><ref>Stephen Kinzer. "Pro-Nazi Legacy Lingers for Croatia", ''New York Times News Service'', 30 October 1993.</ref><ref>"Monument to Anti-Fascism Desecrated in Croatia", ''Tanjug'', February 1995.</ref><ref>"Another Anti-Fascist Monument Blown Up in Croatia", ''Tanjug'', 11 April 1995.</ref><ref>Miodrag Dundjerović. "Croatia, Symbols of Crimes", ''Tanjug'', 1 June 1994.</ref><ref>"Croatia Adopts New Currency Recalling Fascist Era", Reuters, 9 May 1994.</ref><ref>Gregory Copley. "Hiding Genocide", Defense and Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy, 31 December 1992.</ref><ref>"Croatia is Rehabilitating Ustashism and the Independent State of Croatia", ''Politika'' (Belgrade), 12 February 1993.</ref> Tuđman visited and rewarded World War II-era Ustasha veterans, including [[Ivo Rojnica]], in exile in [[Argentina]],<ref>"Croatia Grants Awards to Nazi-Era War Veterans", Reuters, 7 November 1996.</ref> and displaying open contempt for the Serb minority.<ref>"[i]n 1990 Tudjman said, 'I am glad my wife is neither Serb nor Jew' and wrote that accounts of the Holocaust were 'exaggerated' and 'one-sided'</ref><ref>Diana Jean Schemo. "Croatian Leader's Invitation to Holocaust Museum Sparks Anger and Shock", ''New York Times News Service'', 21 April 1993.</ref> His close advisors included neo-Ustasha and paleo-Ustasha elements ([[Antun Vrdoljak]] and [[Gojko Šušak]], respectively). Vrdoljak was director general of Croatian Radiotelevision (1991–95). On 16 September 1991, guards at the entrances of the HRT building told more than 300 employees that their passes were no longer valid. The move was attributed to "security reasons". Most of those on the security blacklists were Serbs or married to Serbs. Others may have had a relative in the Yugoslav Army or did not publicly support the HDZ.<ref>Kemal Kurspahić. "Serbo-Croatian War: Lying For The Homeland", ''Prime Time Crime: Balkan Media in War and Peace'', p. 67; ISBN 1929223382</ref> Šušak was a long-term Croatian emigrant to Canada. His father and an elder brother were both World War II Ustaše officers.<ref>{{cite book|last=Hockenos|first=Paul|year=2003|title=Homeland Calling: Exile Patriotism and the Balkan Wars|publisher=Cornell University Press|location=[[Ithaca, New York]]|isbn=978-0-8014-4158-5|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=e4pAs4JYSAMC|ref=harv}}</ref> The chief of police for eastern Slavonia, [[Josip Reihl-Kir]], who was later murdered, stated that Šušak was in the group that had fired [[Armbrust]] anti-tank missiles on civilian houses in mostly Serb populated [[Borovo Selo]] in April 1991, an event which indirectly led to the May 1991 [[Borovo Selo killings]].<ref>''Death of Yugoslavia'', BBC, Episode 1: "Enter Nationalism".</ref>
Ethnic tensions rose, fueled by [[propaganda in the Yugoslav Wars|propaganda]] in both Croatia and Serbia. As the new Croatian authorities started to modify {{clarify|date=April 2015}} the [[Constitution of Croatia]], Serbian politicians escalated their boycott into an insurrection called the [[Log Revolution]]. The armed incidents of early 1991 escalated into an all-out war over the summer, with fronts formed around the areas of the breakaway [[SAO Krajina]]. The JNA had disarmed the Territorial Units of Slovenia and Croatia prior to the declaration of independence.<ref name="ReferenceA">[[#BassiouniIII|Annex III – The Conflict in Slovenia]]</ref> This was aggravated further by an arms embargo, imposed by the UN on Yugoslavia. The JNA was ostensibly ideologically unitarian, but its officer corps was predominantly staffed by Serbs or Montenegrins (70 percent).<ref>[[#BassiouniIII|Annex III – General structure of the Yugoslav armed forces]]</ref> As a result the JNA opposed Croatian independence and sided with the Croatian Serb rebels. The Croatian Serb rebels were unaffected by the embargo as they had the support of and access to supplies of the JNA. By mid-July 1991, the JNA moved an estimated 70,000 troops to Croatia. The fighting rapidly escalated, eventually spanning hundreds of square kilometers from western Slavonia through [[Banija]] to Dalmatia.<ref>[[#BassiouniIII|Annex III – Forces operating in Croatia]]</ref>
[[File:FranjoTudman.JPG|thumb|170px|left|[[Franjo Tuđman]], first president of Croatia, acted as a Croatian leader throughout the war]]
Border regions faced direct attacks from forces within Serbia and Montenegro, and saw the shelling of [[UNESCO]] [[world heritage site]] [[Dubrovnik]], where the international press was criticised for focusing on the city's architectural heritage, instead of reporting the destruction of [[Vukovar massacre|Vukovar]] in which many civilians were killed.<ref>Joseph Pearson, [http://ehq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/40/2/197 "Dubrovnik's Artistic Patrimony, and its Role in War Reporting"], ''European History Quarterly''] (1991), Vol. 40, No. 2, pp. 197–216 (2010).</ref>
Meanwhile, control over central Croatia was seized by Croatian Serb forces in conjunction with the JNA Corps from Bosnia and Herzegovina, under the leadership of [[Ratko Mladić]].<ref name=BBCProfile>{{cite news|title=Profile: Ratko Mladic, Bosnian Serb army chief|newspaper=BBC|date=31 July 2012|url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-13559597|accessdate=11 July 2012}}</ref>
In January 1992, the [[Cyrus Vance|Vance Plan]] proclaimed UN controlled (UNPA) zones for [[Serbs]] in territory claimed by Serbian rebels as the [[Republic of Serbian Krajina]] (RSK) and brought an end to major military operations, though sporadic artillery attacks on Croatian cities and occasional intrusions of Croatian forces into UNPA zones continued until 1995. The fighting in Croatia ended in mid-1995, after [[Operation Flash]] and [[Operation Storm]]. At the end of these operations, Croatia had reclaimed all of its territory except the UNPA Sector East portion of Slavonia, bordering Serbia. Most of the Serb population in the reclaimed areas became refugees, and these operations led to war crimes trials by the ICTY against elements of the Croatian military leadership, all of whom were ultimately acquitted.<ref name="gotovina judgement">{{cite web|title=Judgement Summary for Gotovina et al.|location=The Hague|url=http://www.icty.org/x/cases/gotovina/tjug/en/110415_summary.pdf|publisher=International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia|date=15 April 2011|accessdate=15 April 2011}}</ref> The areas of "Sector East", unaffected by the Croatian military operations, came under UN administration ([[UNTAES]]), and were reintegrated to Croatia in 1998 under the terms of the [[Erdut Agreement]].<ref name="USIP-Erdut-Agreement">{{cite web | publisher = [[United States Institute of Peace]] | url = http://www.usip.org/files/file/resources/collections/peace_agreements/croatia_erdut_11121995.pdf | format= PDF | title = The Erdut Agreement | date = November 12, 1995 | accessdate=January 17, 2011}}</ref> In 2007, Milan Martić, former president of RSK, was sentenced to 35 years of prison for beeing a part of a joint criminal enterprise against non-Serb population of Croatia.<ref>{{cite web|title=Milan Martić sentenced to 35 years for crimes against humanity and war crimes|url=http://www.icty.org/sid/8870|publisher=International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia|date=12 June 2007|accessdate=24 August 2010}}</ref>
-->Srpski političari i mediji su počeli hrvatsku vladu nazivati "ustaškom".<ref>[[#Brown|Brown & Karim 1995.]], str. 121-122</ref> Milošević je [[Srbi u Hrvatskoj|hrvatskim Srbima]] savjetovao odbijanje Tuđmanovih pokušaja kompromisa u ljeto 1990. te zauzimanje stava nesuradnje.<ref>[[#Ramet|Ramet 1999.]], str. 7</ref> Hrvatska vlada je Srbima osigurala predstavništvo u [[Hrvatski sabor|saboru]], ali su ovi napustili parlament jer su smatrali da nisu dobili dovoljno autonomije.<ref name="Brown119"/> Novi hrvatski ustav donesen 22.12. 1990. srpska je strana doživjela kao oduzimanje Srbima statusa konstitutivnog naroda, iako je ustav navodio da se svim narodima, pa i Srbima, jamče jednaka prava kao i Hrvatima.<ref>[[#Ustav Republike Hrvatske|Ustav Republike Hrvatske 22.12. 1990., "I. Izvorišne osnove"]]</ref> U međuvremenu, JNA je razoružala hrvatski [[Teritorijalna odbrana|TO]],<ref name="Brown120">[[#Brown & Karim|Brown & Karim 1995.]], str. 120</ref> naoružala srpske pobunjenike dok je srbijansko Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova, kojim je rukovodio [[Mihajlo Kertes]], trenirala srbijanske paravojne formacije za borbu po Hrvatskoj i BiH.<ref>[[#Brown & Karim|Brown & Karim 1995.]], str. 118</ref> [[Jovan Nikolić]], srpski pravoslavni pop iz Zagreba, je izjavio:
{{citat3|Čak i da Franjo Tuđman nije došao na vlast, nego netko drugi umjesto njega, reakcija bi opet bila ista. Armija i Srbija bi bili protiv njega, jer su ''a priori'' protiv bilo kakve neovisnosti za Hrvatsku. To ne znači da hrvatska vlada nije napravila greške. Napravili su, i to je činjenica. Ali to nije alibi za one koji su čekali da proglase bilo kakvu hrvatsku državu ustaškom državom. To je bila strašna greška, kao i kasnije optužiti bilo kojeg Srbina u Hrvatskoj da je četnik.<ref>[[#Lukic|Lukic 1996.]], str. 195</ref>}}
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